2019年CATTI三級筆譯實(shí)務(wù)練習(xí)題：國際沖突與發(fā)展

漢譯英

南北沖突

世界上的富裕國家?guī)缀鯚o一例外都在北半球，而貧窮國家都在富裕國家的南面，“南北沖突”一詞由此得名。一般而言，北方國家主要包括美國、加拿大、除阿爾巴尼亞之外的歐洲各國、以色列、俄羅斯及從蘇聯(lián)獨(dú)立出來的其它共和國(雖然對這一點(diǎn)仍存在爭議)、日本、南非、澳大利亞和新西蘭。剩下的110多個國家都屬于南方國家。

對南方國家的稱謂很多——“第三世界”、“發(fā)展中世界”、“欠發(fā)達(dá)國家”等只是其中幾個。總體說來，南方國家有兩個共同的特征：它們都曾經(jīng)有過淪為歐洲列強(qiáng)殖民地的歷史，而且都很貧窮。

盡管獲得了獨(dú)立，很多發(fā)展中國家失望地發(fā)現(xiàn)，它們在經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治上卻仍然依附于原來的殖民者。在殖民統(tǒng)治時(shí)期建立起來的貿(mào)易關(guān)系和投資方式并沒有因?yàn)檎沃鳈?quán)的獲得而終結(jié)。在發(fā)展中國家看來，這種經(jīng)濟(jì)上的依附將不可避免地導(dǎo)致它們在政治上的低聲下氣。因此，即使發(fā)展中國家嘗試去建立自己的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)體系，卻很難實(shí)現(xiàn)。

前殖民宗主國和殖民地之間的這種關(guān)系被稱為新殖民主義。雖然對新殖民主義的理解隨具體情況的變化和不同地區(qū)而有所不同，但所有南方國家的目標(biāo)都是一致的，那就是脫離這種新殖民主義關(guān)系。

發(fā)展中國家這種擺脫政治·經(jīng)濟(jì)依附地位的愿望，在某種程度上也解釋了它們對西方國家以及諸如世界銀行、跨國公司一類的西方機(jī)構(gòu)所懷有的敵意。世界銀行堅(jiān)持要各國向它提供所有的財(cái)政金融數(shù)據(jù)，發(fā)展中國家對此極為不滿。由于一國經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力的強(qiáng)弱常常與該國政治實(shí)力的強(qiáng)弱緊密相連，因此，盡管西方政府與非政府組織一再聲稱獲得投資機(jī)會并不意味著該國必須在政治上讓步，但是欠發(fā)達(dá)國家的政府通常對此表示懷疑。

于是，南方國家在尋求政治-經(jīng)濟(jì)獨(dú)立時(shí)就陷入了兩難的境地。一方面，要想獲得政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)上的完全獨(dú)立，發(fā)展中國家就必須增強(qiáng)自己的經(jīng)濟(jì)獨(dú)立。然而另一方面，在大多數(shù)情況下，要想達(dá)到這個目的，發(fā)展中國家對外來資金和技術(shù)的依賴程度就會進(jìn)一步增加，而這種依賴對很多發(fā)展中國家來說又意味著政治上的繼續(xù)依附。

總而言之，發(fā)展中國家認(rèn)為它們的貧窮處境和依附地位是由過去所受的殖民剝削以及現(xiàn)在在國際貿(mào)易、定價(jià)和交易機(jī)制方面的不平等所造成的。因此，南方國家既要尋求北方國家更多的援助，又要尋求對現(xiàn)有國際經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序的重組。一句話，南方國家希望能夠建立新的國際經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序。

參考譯文

The North-South Conflict

The North-South conflict derives its name from the simple fact that, almost without exception, the wealthy nations of the world are in the Northern Hemisphere and the poorer nations lie to their south. Generally speaking, the North consists of the United States, Canada, Europe excluding Albania, Israel, Russia and the other newly independent former Soviet republics (although this is a matter of debate), Japan, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. The remaining states of the world, numbering over 110, are the South.

The South has been and is described by many terms - the Third World, the Developing World, and the Less Developed Countries (LDCs), to name just a few. Again speaking in general terms the countries of the South share two attributes: they have had a colonial past, dominated by European powers and they are poor.

Despite obtaining formal independence, many Developing World states have discovered to their chagrin that they remain economically and politically dependent on their former colonial masters. Trade ties and investment patterns established during decades of colonial rule were rarely terminated by the attainment of political sovereignty. From the viewpoint of Developing World countries, this economic dependence carried with it unavoidable political subservience. Thus, even though a Developing World state may have sought to establish its own political-economic independence, it could not.

Such a relationship between former colonial metropolises and their former colonies is termed neocolonialism. Although interpretations of neocolonialism differ on a case-by-case and region-by- region basis, a unifying thrust of the South is to escape this neocolonial relationship, In part, the Developing World's desire to escape political-economic dependency explains its hostility toward both the West and Western institutions such as the World Bank and multinational corporations. Developing states often resent the World Bank's insistence that they provide full disclosure of financial data, and having had numerous occasions to witness the linkage between economic strength and political power, governments of the less developed states often were skeptical of the claim promulgated by Western state actors and non-state actors alike that no political concessions would be sought if investment opportunities were awarded.

The South, then, was on the homs of a dilemma as it sought to achieve political-economic independence. Full political and economic independence could be achieved only if Developing World states could strengthen their economic autonomy. In most cases, however, that required increased reliance on external sources of finance and expertise. To many Developing World countries, such external economic reliance implied continued political dependence.

Above all else, Developing World counties see their plight of poverty and dependence as the result of past colonial exploitation and current economic inequities in international trade, pricing, and exchange mechanisms. As a result, the South seeks both expanded aid from the North and a restructuring of the existing international economic order. In short, the South desires a New International Economic Order (NIEO).

漢譯英

發(fā)展中歐關(guān)系符合雙方利益

第六屆中國-歐盟領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人峰會于星期四在北京舉行會，會議表明中國和歐盟之間的關(guān)系正在健康地發(fā)展。此次會晤是今年年初新一屆中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人執(zhí)政以來雙方的首次會面，也是繼中國于10月13日首次發(fā)表與歐盟關(guān)系文件和歐盟于9月10日批準(zhǔn)與中國關(guān)系新戰(zhàn)略之后，雙方領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的首次峰會。

會后，雙方領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人承諾要進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)合作，并簽署了三份協(xié)議，以開辟新的合作領(lǐng)域。

協(xié)議包括“伽利略衛(wèi)星導(dǎo)航合作協(xié)定”以及“中歐旅游目的地國地位諒解備忘錄”。

為了進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)雙邊關(guān)系，溫家寶總理提出四點(diǎn)建議：一、保持高層交往勢頭;二、深化經(jīng)貿(mào)舍作;三、建立有效的合作機(jī)制;四、消除影響中歐關(guān)系健康發(fā)展的障礙。

這表明中國非常重視與歐盟在新世紀(jì)全面發(fā)展合作關(guān)系。這種關(guān)系不僅有助于雙方的共同繁榮，有助于地區(qū)及世界經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長，而且還能通過推進(jìn)多邊化進(jìn)程促進(jìn)世界和平與穩(wěn)定。

從1995年首次確定中歐關(guān)系長期政策開始，歐盟通過了一系列對華政策文件。如1998年通過的“與中國建立全面伙伴關(guān)系”，2001年通過的“歐盟對華戰(zhàn)略-1998年文件實(shí)施情況及進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)歐盟政策的措施”以及今年通過的“一個走向成熟的伙伴關(guān)系——中歐關(guān)系中的共同利益和面臨的挑戰(zhàn)”。這些對華政策都為中國與歐盟將來的長期合作打下了基礎(chǔ)。

而中國上個月發(fā)表的首份與歐盟關(guān)系全面政策文件也為進(jìn)一步推動雙邊關(guān)系做出了重要的貢獻(xiàn)。

總之，尋求共同發(fā)展并以務(wù)實(shí)的態(tài)度對待雙方的分歧是符合中國與歐盟的共同利益的。

參考譯文

China-EU Links Provide Mutual Benefit

The sixth China-European Union (EU) Summit held on Thursday in Beijing indicates the relationship between China and the EU is developing healthily. This is the first leaders' meeting between China and the EU since China's new leadership took office in March. It is also the first summit between the two sides since China published for the first time its EU policy paper on October 13 and the European Union approved a new strategy for its partnership with China on September 10.

After the meeting, leaders from the two sides vowed to boost cooperation and signed three agreements which open up new horizons for collaboration, including an agreement on Galileo satellite navigation cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on the EU becoming an approved tourist destination to the Chinese.

To further bilateral ties, Premier Wen Jiabao put forward a four-point proposal: to keep frequent exchanges of high-level visits; to deepen trade and economic cooperation; to set up an effective cooperation mechanism; and to eliminate barriers hindering the healthy growth of the China-EU relations.

This demonstrates China attaches great importance to the development of their comprehensive partnership in the new century, which will contribute not only to mutual prosperity and the growth of regional and world economy, but also to peace and stability by promoting the process of multi-lateralization.

Following its first long-term strategy for the EU-China relations in the 1995, the EU published a series of policy documents such as "Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China" in 1998, "EU Strategy towards China: Implementation of the 1998 Communication and Future Steps for a More Effective EU Policy" in 2001 and this year's "A Maturing Partnership: Shared Interests and Challenges in EU-China Relations" - all of which laid a foundation for future long-term cooperation.

As well, China's publishing of its first comprehensive policy paper on its relations with the EU last month is a significant contribution towards further strengthening the bilateral ties.

In a word, it is in line with the interests for both sides to seek common development and to deal with their differences with pragmatic attitude.